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Why Germany Attacked the Soviet Union

为何德国攻击了苏联



前言:希特勒对苏联宣战——两份历史性文件
(译者注:因时间和能力所限,历史文档的翻译可能会有不通顺的地方,请谅解)

As dawn was breaking on Sunday morning, June22, 1941, military forces of Germany, Finland and Romania suddenly struckagainst the Soviet Union along a broad front stretching hundreds of miles fromthe Arctic Circle in the far north to the Black Sea in the south. Italy,Hungary, Slovakia, and Croatia quickly joined the campaign – the largestmilitary offensive in history. Soldiers from those nations were soon joined byvolunteers from other European countries, including France, Netherlands,Denmark, Norway, Spain, and Belgium.

1941年6月22日,星期天,黎明时分,德国、芬兰和罗马尼亚的军队突然向苏联发起进攻,战线从遥远的北方的北极圈延伸到南方的黑海,绵延数百英里。意大利、匈牙利、斯洛伐克和克罗地亚很快加入了这场战役,这是历史上规模最大的军事进攻。其他?#20998;?#22269;家的志愿者也很快加入了来自这些国家的士兵之中,包括法国、荷兰、丹麦、挪威、西班牙和比利时。

Thestunning news of this attack was announced to the world by German radio at 5:30that Sunday morning, when Reich Minister Joseph Goebbels broadcast the text ofa proclamation by Adolf Hitler to the German people that laid out his reasonsfor the historic offensive.

这个令?#33487;?#24778;的消息是德国广播电台在那个星期天的早上5:30向全世界宣布的,当时德意志帝国部长约瑟夫·戈培尔向德国人民播放了阿道夫·希特勒的一份宣言,其中列出了他发动这场历史性进攻的原因。

Followingthat was the broadcast of Germany’s declaration of war against the SovietUnion. This was in the form of a diplomatic note to the Soviet government, readby Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop to a packed and hastily organizednews conference of journalists representing the German press, as well asnewspapers across Europe and overseas.

之后是德国对苏联宣战的广播。这是一份给苏联政府的外交照会,由外交部长里宾特洛甫在一场?#23548;?#32780;匆忙组织的记者?#20889;?#20250;上宣读。记者中?#20889;?#34920;德国新闻界的记者,也?#20889;?#34920;?#20998;?#21644;海外的报纸的记者。

ThisForeign Office statement explains in some detail the German government’sreasons for the momentous decision to attack the USSR. About two hours earlier,Ribbentrop had given the text to the Soviet ambassador in Berlin, while at thesame time the German ambassador in Moscow was delivering a shorter version ofit to the Soviet Foreign Minister.

外交部的这份声明在一定程度上详细解释了德国政府做出攻击苏联这一重大决定的原因。大约两小时前,里宾特洛甫把这段文字交给了苏联驻柏林大使,与此同时,德国驻莫斯科大使正在把这段文字的简本交给苏联外交部长。



Germanleaders did not know that the Soviets were already producing the T-34, KV-1 andKV-2 tanks, the heaviest and most deadly in the world, and more formidable thanany German model. Nor they did they know that the Soviet military had more than4,000 amphibious tanks – which were meant only for offensive operations – whilethe Germans had none.

德国领导人不知道苏联已经在生产T-34、KV-1和KV-2坦克,这是世界上最重、最致命的坦克,?#28909;?#20309;德国型号的坦克都更强大。他们也不知道苏联军队有4000多辆两栖坦克,而德国没?#23567;?br />
TheGermans were also unaware of how the Soviets had been preparing their militarycommanders for war. For example, at a secret speech to military academygraduates in May 1941, just weeks earlier, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin said:“In conducting the defense of our country, we are compelled to act in anaggressive manner. From defense we have to shift to a military policy ofoffense. It is indispensable that we reform our training, our propaganda, ourpress to a mindset of offense. The Red Army is a modern army, and the modernarmy is an army of offense.”

德国人也不知道苏联是如何让他们的军事指挥官为战争做准备的。例如,1941年5月,就在几周前,苏联领导人约瑟夫·斯大林在一次对军校毕业生的秘密演讲中说:“在保卫我们的国家时,我们不得不采取一种咄咄逼人的行动。我们必须从防御转向进攻的军事政策。我们必须改革我们的训练、我们的宣传、我们的新闻,使之具有进攻的心态。红军是一支现代化的军队,现代化的军队是一支进攻的军队。”



Hitlerhimself acknowledged, both in public and in private, that he had misjudged theextent and scale of the Soviet threat. “Certainly, though, we were mistakenabout one thing,” the German leader told a large audience in Berlin on Oct. 3,1941. “We had no idea how gigantic the preparations of this enemy were againstGermany and Europe and how immeasurably great was the danger; how we just barelyescaped annihilation, not only of Germany but also of Europe.”

希特勒本人在公开场合和私下里都承?#24076;?#20182;对苏联的威胁程度和规模判?#40092;?#35823;。1941年10月3日,这位德国领导人在柏林对大批听众说:“当然,我们在一件事上犯了错误。”“我们不知道这个敌人对德国和?#20998;?#30340;准备有多么充分,也不知道危险有多大;我们是如何逃过了灭顶之灾的,不仅是德国,还有整个?#20998;蕖!?br />
TheUS government responded to the news of the German-led offensive with anofficial statement, issued by Deputy Secretary of State Sumner Welles.Completely ignoring the points made by the leaders in Berlin, it claimed thatGermany’s “treacherous” attack was part of a plan by Hitler “for the cruel andbrutal enslavement of all peoples and for the ultimate destruction of theremaining free democracies.”

美国副国务卿萨姆纳·威尔斯发表了一份官方声明,回应了德国领导的进攻的消息。声明完全无视柏林领导人的观点,声称德国“?#25215;?#24323;义”的袭击是希特勒“对所有民族进行残酷和野蛮奴役,最终摧毁剩余自由民主国?#25671;?#35745;划的一部分。

Actually, it was the Soviet Union – the world’smost oppressive regime at the time – that was dedicated to the eradication of“free democracies” and to the ultimate triumph of “proletarian dictatorship” inall countries. Stalin had made clear his elemental hostility to “freedemocracy” when the Red Army tried impose a Bolshevik regime on Finland in the“Winter War” of 1939-1940. In fact, soldiers of Finland – a parliamentarydemocracy – were now fighting as allies of Hitler’s Germany against theSoviets.

事实上,正是苏联——当时世界上最具压迫性的政权——致力于铲除“自由民主?#20445;?#24182;最终在所有国家取得“无产?#20934;?#19987;政”的胜利。当苏联红军在1939年至1940年的“冬季战争”中试图将布尔什维?#33487;?#26435;强加给芬兰时,斯大林已经明确表示了他对“自由民主”的基本敌意。事实上,芬兰士兵——一个议会民主制国?#25671;?#29616;在作为希特勒德国的盟?#24310;?#33487;联作战。



Inrecent years, however, a growing number of historians have assembledconsiderable evidence that validates key points made by Hitler and the Germangovernment, and which shows that the Soviets were preparing a massive assault.The most influential of these historians has probably been a former Soviet GRUmilitary intelligence officer, Vladimir Rezun. In a series of books writtenunder the pen name of Viktor Suvorov, he has presented impressive evidence toshow that the Soviet regime was preparing a massive offensive against Germanyand Europe, and that the German-led attack forestalled an imminent Sovietstrike. It is Stalin, not Hitler – he says – who should be considered the“chief culprit” of World War II.

然而,近年来,越来越多的历史学家收集了大量的证据,证明希特勒和德国政府的观点是正确的,这表明苏联正准备发动大规模进攻。这些历史学家中最有影响力的可能是前苏联GRU(格勒乌,苏军总?#25991;?#37096;情报总局)军事情报官?#22791;?#25289;基米尔·丽?#21462;?#22312;维克多•苏沃洛夫(Viktor Suvorov)笔名所著的一系列著作中,他提供了令人印象深刻的证据,表明苏联政权正准备对德国和?#20998;?#21457;动大规模进攻,而德国领导的进攻阻止了苏联即将发动的攻击。他说,应该被认为是二战“罪魁祸首”的是斯大林,而不是希特勒。

Numerousdocuments and other historical evidence have come to light in recent decadesthat validate key points made in the German statements of June 22, 1941. Thisevidence also thoroughly discredits the simplistic portrayal of theGerman-Soviet clash, and indeed of the Second World War itself, that USofficials and prominent historians presented to the American public during thewar, and for years afterwards.

近几十年来,大量的文件和其他历?#20998;?#25454;已经浮出水面,证实了1941年6月22日德国声明中的要点。这一证据也彻底否定了美国官员和著名历史学家在二战期间?#32422;?#25112;后多年向美国公众展示的对德苏冲突乃至二战本身的简单化描述。

Even ifthe leaders in Germany, Finland, and other European countries were mistaken inbelieving that a Soviet assault was imminent, they certainly had ample reasonto regard the Stalin regime as a dangerous threat, and to conclude that theSoviets were deploying vast military forces in preparation for attack at somepoint in the future. The reasons given by Hitler and his government to justifythe German-led attack were not lies or pretexts.

即使德国、芬兰和其他?#20998;?#22269;家的领导人错误地认为苏联即将发动进攻, 他们当然有充足的理由将斯大林政权视为一个危险的威胁,并得出结论,苏联正在部署庞大的军事力量,准备在未来某个时候发动攻击。希特勒及其政府为德国领导的袭击辩解的理由不是谎言或借口。

Indeed,the German, Finnish, and Romanian leaders had more valid and substantive causeto strike against the USSR in June 1941 than American leaders have had forlaunching a number of wars – including against Mexico in 1845, against Spain in1898, and against Iraq in 2003. In none of those cases did the country attackedby US military forces present a clear and present danger to the US, or a threatto vital American national interests.

事实上,德国、芬兰和罗马尼亚领导人在1941年6月对苏联发动袭击的理由,比美国领导人发动一系列战争的理由更充分、更有实质意义——包括1845年对墨西哥、1898年对西班牙和2003年对伊拉克发动的战争。在这些案例中,美国军队袭击的国家都没有对美国造成明显的、当前的威胁,也没有对美国的重要国家利益构成威胁。

BecauseHitler’s proclamation of June 22, 1941, and the German Foreign Officedeclaration of the same day, explain at some length the reasons and motives forthe fateful decision to strike against the USSR, these are documents ofhistoric importance. The texts of specially prepared translations of these twostatements are given below in full.

由于希特勒于1941年6月22日发表的《宣言》和德国外交部同日发表的《宣言》,在一定程度上解释了决定对苏联发动攻击的原因和动机,这些文件具有重要的历?#33452;?#20041;。以下是这两项声明的特别编写的译文全文。



While theprophecies of a French statesman [Georges Clemenceau] that there were twentymillion Germans too many – in other words, that this number would have to beeliminated by hunger, disease or emigration – were apparently being fulfilledto the letter, the National Socialist movement began its work of unifying theGerman people, and thereby initiating the resurgence of the Reich. This rise ofour people from distress, misery and shameful disregard was in the form of apurely internal renaissance. In no way did that affect, much less threaten,Britain.

期间,法国政治家预言(乔治•克列孟梭),二千万名德国人太多了——换句话说,这个数字会被饥饿、疾病或移民所清除——民族社会主义运动显然是在履行诺言,开始了统一德国人民的工作,从而开始了德意志帝国的复兴。我国人民从苦难、苦难和可耻的漠视中崛起,?#28304;?#31929;的内部复兴的形式。这丝毫没有影响英国,更谈不上威胁英国。

Nevertheless,a new, hate-filled policy of encirclement against Germany began immediately.Internally and externally there came into being that plot, familiar to all ofus, between Jews and democrats, Bolsheviks and reactionaries, with the sole aimof inhibiting the establishment of the new German people’s state, and ofplunging the Reich anew into impotence and misery.

然而,一项充满仇恨的包围德国的新政策立即开始了。从内部到外部,在犹太人和民主党人之间,在布尔什维克和反动派之间,产生了我们大家?#38469;?#24713;的那种阴?#20445;?#20854;唯一目的就是要阻止建立新的德国人民国?#36965;?#20351;帝国重新陷入无能为力和痛苦之中。

Apart fromus, the hatred of this international world conspiracy was directed againstthose nations that, like ourselves, were neglected by fortune and were obligedto earn their daily bread in the hardest struggle for existence.

除了我们之外,对这一世界阴谋的仇恨是针对那些象我们一样被财富忽视的国?#36965;?#36825;些国家必须在最艰苦的生存斗争中谋生。

Above all,the right of Italy and Japan, just as much as that of Germany, to share in thegoods of this world was contested and in fact was formally denied. The allianceof these [three] nations was, therefore, purely an act of self-protection inthe face of the egoistic global combination of wealth and power that threatenedthem. As early as 1936 [Winston] Churchill, according to statements by theAmerican General Wood before a committee of the American House ofRepresentatives, declared that Germany was once again becoming too powerful andmust therefore be destroyed.

最重要的是,意大利和日本同德国一样,享有分享这个世界的商品的权利受到了质疑,事实上,这种权利被正式拒绝了。因此,面对威?#33756;?#20204;的全球财富和权力的利己主义结?#24076;?#36825;(三个)国家的联盟纯粹是一种自我保护的行为。早在1936年丘吉尔,根据美国伍德将军在美国众议?#20309;?#21592;会上的发言,他就宣布德国再次变得过于强大,因此必须被摧毁。

In theSummer of 1939 the time seemed to have come for Britain to begin to realize itsintended annihilation by repetition of a comprehensive policy of encirclementof Germany. The plan of the campaign of lies staged for this purpose consistedin declaring that other people were threatened, in tricking them with Britishpromises of guarantees and assistance, and of getting them to go againstGermany, just as had happened prior to the [First] World War.

1939年夏天,似乎到了英国开始实现其毁灭的时候了——它要重复对德国的全面包围政策。为达到这一目的而进行的谎言运动的计划是宣布其他人受到威胁,用英国的保证和援助承诺来欺骗他们,并让他们去反对德国,就像第一次世界大战之前发生的那样。



I, on theother hand, have been striving for two decades, with a minimum of interventionand without destroying our production, to arrive at a new socialist order inGermany, one that not only eliminates unemployment but also permits theproductive worker to receive an ever greater share of the fruits of his labor.The achievements of this policy of national economic and social reconstruction– which strove for a true national community by overcoming rank and classdivisions – are unique in today’s world.

另一方面,我一直为之奋斗二十年,用最少的干预和不破坏我们的生产,以实现德国的社会主义新秩序,一个不仅可以消除失业,也允许生产工人获得他的劳动果实中越来越大的份额。这一国家经济和社会重建政策——它通过克服?#20934;?#21644;?#20934;?#20998;歧?#36234;?#31435;一个真正的国家共同体而努力——所取得的成就在今天的世界上是独特的。

It wastherefore only with extreme difficulty that I brought myself in August 1939 tosend my [Foreign] Minister [von Ribbentrop] to Moscow in an endeavor there tocounter the British encirclement policy against Germany. I did this only out ofa sense of responsibility toward the German people, but above all in the hopeof finally, in spite of everything, achieving lasting easing of tensions and ofbeing able to reduce sacrifices that otherwise might have been demanded of us.

因此,在1939年8月,我费了很大的劲才把我的[外交]部长[冯·里宾特洛甫]派到莫斯科,在那里努力反对英国对德国的包围政策。我这样做只是出于对德国人民的一种责任?#26657;?#20294;最重要的是,我希望无论如何最终实现?#24535;?#22320;缓和紧张局势,并能够减少我们?#32416;?#21487;能需要作出的牺牲。

WhileGermany solemnly affirmed in Moscow that the designated territories andcountries – with the exception of Lithuania – lay outside any German political interests,a special [supplementary] agreement was concluded in case Britain were tosucceed in inciting Poland into actually going to war against Germany. In thiscase, as well, German claims were subject to limitations entirely out ofproportion to the achievements of the German forces.

尽管德国在莫斯科郑重声明,指定的领土和国家(立陶宛除外)不属于德国的任何政治利益?#27573;В?#20294;为了?#20048;?#33521;国成功煽动波兰对德国发动战争,两国达成了一项特别(补充)协议。在这种情况下,德国的要求也受到限制,与德国部队的成就完全不成比例。



However,already during our advance in Poland, Soviet rulers suddenly, and contrary tothe treaty, also claimed Lithuania. The German Reich never had any intention ofoccupying Lithuania, and not only failed to present any such demand to theLithuanian government, but on the contrary refused the request of the thenLithuanian government to send German troops to Lithuania in that spirit forthat purpose as inconsistent with the aims of German policy.

然而,在我们向波兰推进的过程中,苏联统治者突然违反条约,也声称对立陶宛拥有主权。但德国帝国从?#21019;?#31639;占领立陶宛,不仅没有向立陶宛政府提出声索,相反,随后还拒绝了立陶宛政府的派出德国军队前往立陶宛的请求,因为这?#24535;?#31070;与德国政策的目标不一致。

Despiteall this I complied also with this fresh Russian demand. However, this was onlythe beginning of continually renewed extortions, which have been repeated eversince.

尽管如此,?#19968;?#26159;答应了俄罗斯的这个新要求。然而,这只是不断发生敲诈勒索的开始,从那以后这种敲诈勒索一再发生。

Thevictory in Poland, which was won exclusively by German troops, prompted me toaddress yet another peace offer to the Western powers [Britain and France]. Itwas rejected, due to the efforts of the international and Jewish warmongers.Already at that time the reason for this rejection lay in the fact that Britainstill had hopes of being able to mobilize a European coalition against Germany,which was to include the Balkans and Soviet Russia. It was therefore decided inLondon to send Mr. Cripps as ambassador to Moscow. He received clearinstructions under all circumstances to resume relations between Britain andSoviet Russia, and develop them in a pro-British direction. The British pressreported on the progress of this mission, except insofar as tactical reasonsdid not impose silence.

德国军队在波兰取得的胜利,促使我再次向西方大国(英国和法国)提出和平建议。由于国际和犹太战争贩子的努力,它被拒绝了。当时,英国拒绝的原因在于,英国仍然希望能够动员一个?#20998;?#32852;盟来反对德国,其中包括巴尔干半岛和苏联俄罗斯。
因此,伦敦决定派克里普斯担任驻莫斯科大使。他在任何情况下都接受了?#25351;从?#33487;关系的明?#20998;?#31034;,并朝着亲英的方向发展。英国新闻界报道了这项任务的进展情况,但出于战术原因没有保持沉默。



While oursoldiers from May 10, 1940, onward were breaking Franco-British power in thewest, Russian military deployment on our eastern frontier was continuing to anever more menacing extent. From August 1940 onward I therefore considered it tobe in the interest of the Reich to no longer permit our eastern provinces,which moreover had been laid waste so often before, to remain unprotected inthe face of this tremendous deployment of Bolshevik divisions.

当我们的士兵从1940年5月10日开始,在西方打破英法两国的力量时,俄罗斯在我们东部边境的军事部署却越来越具有威胁性。因此,从1940年8月起,我认为,为了德意志帝国的利益,不再允许我们东部各省在布尔什维克师的大规模部署?#24405;?#32493;不受保护。

Thus, andjust as intended by this British-Soviet Russian cooperation, there came aboutthe tying up of such strong [German] forces in the east that a radicalconclusion of the war in the west, particularly as regards aircraft, could nolonger be vouched for by the German leadership. This, however, was in line withthe goals not only of British but also of Soviet Russian policy, for bothBritain and Soviet Russia intended to let this war go on for as long aspossible in order to weaken all Europe and render it ever more impotent.

因此,正如英苏俄合作的意图一样,德国在东方集结了如此强大的(德国)军队,?#28798;?#20110;西方战争彻底结束了,尤其是在飞机方面,再也无法得到德国领导层的担保。然而,这不仅符合英国的目标,也符合苏联?#36828;?#25919;策的目标,因为英国和苏联?#21363;?#31639;让这场战争尽可能长时间地继续下去,以便削弱整个?#20998;蓿?#20351;它变得更加无能。

Russia’sthreatened attack on Romania was in the last analysis equally intended to gainpossession of or, if possible, to destroy, an important base of the economiclife of not only Germany, but of all of Europe. Since 1933 the German Reichsought with boundless patience to win over states in southeastern Europe astrading partners. We therefore also had the greatest interest in their internalconsolidation and order. Russia’s advance into Romania and Greece’s alliancewith Britain threatened to quickly turn these regions as well into a generaltheater of war.

俄罗斯威胁?#26376;?#39532;尼亚发动的攻击,归根结底同样是为了获?#27809;?如果可能的话)摧毁——不仅是德国,而且是整个?#20998;?#32463;济生活的一个重要基础。自1933年以来,德意志帝国一直以极大的耐心寻求赢?#38376;分?#19996;南部国家作为贸易伙伴的支持。因此,我们对他们内部的巩固和秩序也最?#34892;?#36259;。俄罗斯入侵罗马尼亚,?#32422;?#24076;腊与英国结盟,?#21152;?#21487;能很快将这些地区变成战争的战场。

Contraryto our principles and customs, and at the urgent request of the then Romaniangovernment, which was itself responsible for this development, I advised thatit acquiesce to the Soviet Russian demands for the sake of peace, and to cede[the province of] Bessarabia. The Romanian government believed, however, thatit could answer for this before its own people only if Germany and Italy incompensation would at least guarantee the integrity of what still remained ofRomania. I did so with heavy heart, above all because when the German Reichgives a guarantee, that means it also abides by it. We are neither Englishmennor Jews.

我违?#27425;?#20204;的原则和习惯,并应当时罗马尼亚政府的紧急要求,即罗马尼亚政府本身对这一事态发展负?#24615;?#20219;,我建议它为了和平而默认苏联的要求,并割让(贝沙比拉省)。然而,罗马尼亚政府认为,它?#25381;性?#24503;国和意大利至少需要提供补偿——保证罗马尼亚仍然留有完整性的情况下,才能在其人民面前做出这个答?#28014;?#25105;是怀着沉重的?#37027;?#36825;么做的,最重要的是,当德意志帝国做出保证时,这意味着它也会遵守它。因为我们既不是英国人也不是犹太人。

I stillbelieve at this late hour to have served the cause of peace in that region,albeit by assuming a serious obligation of our own. In order, however, finallyto solve these problems and achieve clarity concerning the Russian attitudetoward Germany, as well as under pressure of continually increasingmobilization on our eastern frontier, I invited Mr. Molotov to come to Berlin.

我依然相信这是为了这片地区的和平事业,尽管我们会背上严重的负担。然而,为了最?#25112;?#20915;这些问题,澄清俄罗斯对德国的态度,?#32422;?#22312;我国东部边境不断增加动员的压力下,?#24050;?#35831;莫洛托夫先生来到柏林。



My answer:As ever, Germany has absolutely no political interests in Finland. A new war byRussia against the small Finnish nation could not, however, be regarded anylonger by the German government as tolerable, all the more so because we couldnever believe that Finland could threaten Russia. Under no circumstances did wewant another theater of war to arise in the Baltic.

我的回答是:和以往一样,德国在芬兰绝对没有任何政治利益。然而,德国政府再也不能容忍俄罗斯对这个芬兰小国发动一场新的战争,因为我们永远不能相信芬兰能威胁到俄罗斯。在任何情况下,我们都不希望波罗的海再次发生战争。

Molotov’sthird question: Is Germany prepared to agree that Soviet Russia give aguarantee to Bulgaria and, in this regard, send Soviet troops to Bulgaria, inconnection with which he – Molotov – was prepared to state that the Soviets didnot intend on that account, for example, to depose the King?

莫洛托夫的第三个问题:德国准备同意苏联给保加利亚提供防卫,具体而言,向保加利亚派遣苏联军队,与之相关的还有,他——莫洛托夫——准备说,例如,苏联不打算因此而?#21066;?#22269;王?

(未完待续)